At the moment I am investigating the behavior of quantifiers in locative PPs. In particular, I am studying why in certain locative PPs, quantifiers like todo ‘all’ appear to form a constituent with a certain nominal but are unexpectedly interpreted as associated with another nominal in the PP, giving rise to a syntax-semantics mismatch.
 
To be specific, I’m concerned with why in a sentence like Hay toda agua en el piso  ‘have.3sg all.fem water.fem on the.masc floor.masc ,’ toda 'all.fem' appears to form a constituent with agua ‘water’ (toda agua ‘all.fem water.fem’) but is interpreted as modifying piso ‘floor.’ In other words, the challenge is explaining why this sentence has the syntax it has, but the interpretation it has: 'There's water on the whole floor’). 
Here you can find my 2020 LSA poster on this topic.

© 2020 by CAROLINA FRAGA